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See detailUsage public normalisé ou anormal: Kant et les Lumières face à Jeffrey Stout
Burks, Deven UL

in Ruffing, Margit; Grapotte, Sophie; Lequan, Mai (Eds.) Kant: L’année 1784: Droit et philosophie de l’histoire (2017, October)

Dans “Réponse à la question: Qu’est-ce que les Lumières?”, Kant se donne pour tâche de garantir “la plus inoffensive de toutes les libertés, celle de faire publiquement usage de sa raison en toutes ... [more ▼]

Dans “Réponse à la question: Qu’est-ce que les Lumières?”, Kant se donne pour tâche de garantir “la plus inoffensive de toutes les libertés, celle de faire publiquement usage de sa raison en toutes choses” et, par là même, de fonder le progrès des lumières dans un discours public de type normalisé. La démarche de Kant se révèle normalisante dans la mesure où elle “rend commensurable toute contribution au discours dans un domaine” (Jeffrey Stout, Ethics After Babel, p. 294, ma traduction): dans l’usage public, tout interlocuteur part d’un vocabulaire épuré, “à titre de savant”, pour s’adresser à un public de “lecteurs” de sorte que tout autre interlocuteur peut accepter les raisons du premier, peu importe sa fonction dans la société. Une telle normalisation des conditions de pratiques discursives peut-elle réellement faire progresser la société humaine comme le prétend Kant? Certes, un discours normalisé rend compte de la fragmentation de l’autorité dans la société moderne. Mais il résiste à l’effort de certains interlocuteurs, peu satisfaits de ses prétentions libérales fondationnalistes, d’y apporter des éléments justificatifs issus non pas des usages publics de la raison mais de ceux dits “privés”. Car, pour Jeffrey Stout, la discussion qui fait réellement progresser la société cosmopolite passe par l’écoute, “l’interaction conversationnelle” et la critique improvisée dans un “discours anormal” (idem.). À force de vouloir fixer les critères du débat en avance, on le rendrait en même temps stérile. Si cela constitue une critique forte d’un discours normalisé kantien dont les principes sont fondationnalistes, il n’exclut nullement un discours normalisé kantien de type non-fondationnaliste. A cet effet, il suffirait de supposer une raison pratique et un discours modaux, sensibles aux particularités des interlocuteurs, selon lesquels l’usage public exige des interlocuteurs des raisons qui pourraient être adoptées de façon cohérente par tout interlocuteur dans le domaine en question (cf. Towards justice and virtue, Onora O’Neill). Dans cet optique modal, l’usage public résiste-il mieux ou finit-il par se rapprocher de ses critiques plus qu’on ne le soupçonne? [less ▲]

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See detailDoes self-knowledge advance political justification? The case of public philosophy and Stout’s “unconstrained discourse”
Burks, Deven UL

Scientific Conference (2017, June)

Can self-knowledge of personal attitudes and belief-formation figure as a requirement on those engaging in political justification? Would this not be asking too much of participants both at the personal ... [more ▼]

Can self-knowledge of personal attitudes and belief-formation figure as a requirement on those engaging in political justification? Would this not be asking too much of participants both at the personal and associational level and at the institutional and governmental level? Yet such a requirement seems to follow on Jeffrey Stout’s pragmatist-expressivist account of political discourse and justification as reason-giving or “unconstrained discourse” (Stout, 2004). This self-knowledge requirement comes out in his emphasis on an individual justificatory standpoint, from which the person articulates reasons and beliefs and engages in (self-)storytelling and narration in order to express openly to the audience that person’s motivations and justification for a given political position (Stout, 2010). If his political epistemology so requires self-knowledge and “public” philosophy serves to guide political justification, the question remains by what means or resources “public” philosophy may advance the kind of self-knowledge required on the behalf of participants. To that end, Leiter (2016) may provide useful contrast as a critique of the notion of “discursive hygiene” in justification (as opposed to “rhetoric”) by elaborating the challenges posed to this notion by the obscurity of belief-formation, emotivism and tribalism. If Stout is seen to advance a view of public philosophy and political justification akin to “discursive hygiene”, Leiter’s critique poses a serious challenge to the former’s political epistemology and pragmatist-expressivist account of political justification. In short, “unconstrained discourse” would provide no meaningful standards for such justification or its participants. Our first question then is to know whether Stout can overcome both the prima facie obstacles which this epistemological requirement sets participants and Leiter’s naturalistic challenge to “public” philosophy and political justification. Provisionally, we may respond that Stout takes important steps to circumscribe the role of “public” philosophy and political justification within other publicly available modes of acculturation and moral inculcation. Our second question lies in whether Stout and Leiter then concur on the need for “rhetoric” as an argumentative standard for political justification. In the end, we will conclude that Leiter’s “rhetoric” and Stout’s “unconstrained discourse” are closer than they might at first appear. [less ▲]

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See detailUne impossibilité en or: la lecture émersonienne de Kant
Burks, Deven UL; Lefort, Elisabeth UL

in Burks, Deven; Grapotte, Sophie; Lequan, Mai (Eds.) et al Kant et les penseurs de langue anglaise (2017, May)

The idea of Ralph Waldo Emerson as Kant's interlocutor may surprise philosophers. Yet Emerson's work has undergone rehabilitation since 1950, showing engagement with philosophical issues of his time. Of ... [more ▼]

The idea of Ralph Waldo Emerson as Kant's interlocutor may surprise philosophers. Yet Emerson's work has undergone rehabilitation since 1950, showing engagement with philosophical issues of his time. Of importance are Emerson's contributions in ethics and epistemology, notably the struggle between skepticism and idealism. Therein, commentators like David Van Leer have found an “essentially Kantian orientation”, where others see engagement with broader idealist themes. This lack of consensus owes to Emerson's argumentative brushwork and few references to Kant, complicating the attempt “to delineate precisely the influence of philosophical idealism on any of the major texts”. Such complications do not prevent Van Leer from laying out a hypothetical, Kantian rereading of Emerson by “treat[ing] the essays as if they were both philosophical and organized” and “translat[ing] Emerson's private vocabulary into the more public one of traditional philosophy”. If Van Leer “tend[s] to be less concerned than most with identifying the sources of Emerson's ideas”, this holds because his “hypothetical account means only to disprove the claim that Emerson cannot be read seriously as a philosopher”. An assessment of whether this hypothesis holds water must acknowledge that “what we want to know is not Emerson's 'familiarity' with Kantian concepts, or even his 'knowledge' of them, but only his 'understanding' of those concepts”, for which “any study of the genesis of thought is irrelevant”. If, by Van Leer's own lights, his hypothesis' validity stands or falls with Emerson's understanding of Kantian concepts, one must first identify that understanding. To that end, this study shall accept Van Leer's terms by bracketing considerations of Emerson's style and sources and by charitably upholding Van Leer's replies thereto. So can attention shift to Emerson's engagement with two Kantian innovations mentioned in his work: transcendental idealism and the faculties. It will be necessary to set limits for this study, given the breadth of the authors' works. It shall thus focus on Emerson's treatment of idealism and faculties in his 1836 Nature. If this study judges Emerson's understanding of idealism at several removes from Kant's transcendental idealism, notably on the status of objective reality, it finds his understanding of the faculties more closely aligned on the function of understanding, reason and intuition, albeit with an important amendment to the latter. Accordingly, this study holds, with Winkler, Van Leer's hypothetical account to be both interpretively incomplete and constitutively unverifiable. [less ▲]

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